By Ifeanyi Chukwu Afuba

At the end of its second plenary summit this year, the Catholic Bishops Conference of Nigeria expressed concern at the continued weakening of the opposition in the current political dispensation.

In a communique issued September 19, 2025, signed by his lordships Lucius Ugorji and Donatus Ogun, president and secretary, respectively, the bishops cautioned against a turn to a party state.

‘There seems to be suppression of opposition as Nigeria appears to be tilting to a one-party state, the development of which is not a good omen for democracy,’ the release read in part. Interventions of the Church on the state of the nation are often in general, reflective terms, filled with Biblical exhortation. It’s indicative of the seriousness of the matter when such statements are subject-specific and the defect is emphasised with a prophetic ring, as in the instant.

The shrinking of democratic space in the past three years is disturbing and shows no sign of abating yet. If anything, the chances of a constricted race in which President Bola Tinubu contests against no notable presidential candidate are growing by the day.

The opposition remains a fundamental component of democracy, serving as a bridge between the government in power and the electorate. As emphasised in the maxim that absolute power corrupts absolutely, opposition ranks form a protective belt in democratic practice. Active opposition serves to hold government accountable and promote transparency in administration. It bears stating that the opposition is necessary for the sustainability of the system. The opposition should point out the lapses of an incumbent administration and, indeed, question certain decisions and policies. More insights and better perspectives tend to be gained from such exchanges. By generating alternative solutions to problem areas, opposition parties broaden participation in the political process. Good governance is enabled by the opposition’s watchdog role. An active opposition further offers a choice of alternative government to the voter. A thriving opposition is not merely an important part of democracy; it’s essential in strengthening and enriching democratic governance.

Whither then the present democratic dispensation with opposition participation in the 2027 election looking so unviable? None among the potential contenders in 2027 has the experience of Atiku Abubakar. When Atiku debuted in the presidential arena in 1993, Bola Ahmed Tinubu was operating at the senatorial level. Since 1999, Akitu has been juggling the reins of the presidential office, standing as a candidate from 2007.

The veteran presidential candidate, however, is unsure of a platform to contest the 2027 poll because his latest political tent, the African Democratic Congress, is embattled. It’s no ordinary or accidental logjam. The ADC is locked in a curious leadership dispute. If a rival faction led by Ibe Kachikwu, laying claims to the leadership, succeeds, Atiku knows that will be the end of his aspiration. Peter Obi, the candidate of regional and generational anger in the 2023 poll, is caught in a similar bind. Obi is yet to find a secure party where he will run for the next presidential election. His last party, the Labour Party, is also under siege. On Tuesday, October 14, 2025, Mr Julius Abure was suddenly acknowledged as the national chairman of Labour Party at INEC’s quarterly interactive meeting with political parties. If Abure’s predictable recognition by INEC persists, Mr Obi knows he cannot emerge as the Labour Party candidate anymore. Former President Goodluck Jonathan, who is believed to be preparing for a second tenure at the presidency, faces a similarly uphill task. His party, the PDP, had long been a target of destabilisation plots. The Abuja super minister’s agents in PDP, who have so far done a good job of undermining the PDP from within, now face the titanic battle – denying Jonathan a stable and cohesive PDP on which to vie.

Advertisement

Expectedly, the Presidency rejects allegations of subverting opposition parties. In two comments in quick succession, Special Adviser to the President on Information & Strategy, Bayo Onanuga, dismissed perceptions of the government’s efforts at derailing major opposition parties.
In a release, April 28, 2025, Onanuga stated that ‘no policy, official action or directive from the presidency seeks to “dismantle democracy” or “weaken opposition or create a one-party state.” Returning the blame, the disclaimer submitted: ‘The opposition cannot blame President Tinubu and the governing APC for their poor organisation, indiscipline, and gross incompetence in managing their affairs. It is certainly not part of President Tinubu’s job to organise or strengthen opposition parties.” Onanuga was also on hand to aver that the Presidency was not involved in the opposition crisis when ADC’s relaunch met with difficulties in July this year.

While freedom of speech may not be under threat, the mainstay of opposition relevance, freedom of political association, has become problematic. Today, the environment necessary for the opposition to flourish hardly exists. The government has a responsibility in this regard.

Leadership succession is a major issue for Nigeria, as it is for many other countries. It should be obvious that the management of transition processes impact on the stability of the polity. Our experience harps on the need for a credible electoral process, inclusive frameworks, plural political choices and participatory decision-making. Alienation of the opposition has often come with serious consequences. Regime authorities, by their agenda and priorities, have the choice either of aggravating or ameliorating the challenges of democratic succession. Military termination of the Second Republic was facilitated by the political rift arising from the conduct of the 1983 election. A bitterly disputed general election left in it’s wake a tense polity, which softened the ground for ambitious soldiers. A different form of opposition suppression affected General Ibrahim Babangida’s transition programme to the Third Republic.

A sweeping, generational ban on experienced politicians from participating in the transition cast the exercise in suspicion of a hidden agenda. The restrictive nature of the programme seemed designed to get rid of opposition to self-succession by the political elite. General Sani Abacha similarly began a transition process with an exclusion agenda. The junta succeeded in staving off prospective presidential aspirants with the punitive failed banks and failed contract decrees. Mercifully, divine intervention stopped the tearing of an already broken country. Much of the power game in the Fourth Republic has seen the ruling parties using instruments of authority to put the opposition at a disadvantage. Perceptions of selective use of such bodies as the EFCC to ensure political compliance are rife. The ruling party has, on occasions, been seen to have sponsored the impeachment of opposition and independent-minded governors. In the immediate past administration, executive excesses left a climate of intimidation hovering over the judiciary. What is the worth of democratic rights without a free judiciary?

It’s therefore very important that the opposition has the room to operate and effectively play its complementary role. Beyond Onanuga’s protestations, the government’s weakening of opposition parties need not be by direct means. The PDP’s loss of four governors to the APC in 2025 alone is unprecedented. In just a space of four months, Akwa Ibom’s Umo Eno, Enugu State’s Peter Mbah, and Bayelsa State’s Duoye Diri publicly defected to the APC. The fourth, Rivers State’s Simnalaya Fubara, is considered to have joined the ruling party quietly for tactical reasons. The illegality of Fubara’s suspension as Governor was clear enough. No one among the defenders of the ridiculous action has cited the constitutional provision defining a state of emergency as a power to abort constitutional order. Only a state House of Assembly and a court with requisite jurisdiction may intervene on the mandate of an elected Governor. The bullying represented by Fubara’s experience can serve as an indirect message to the opposition. You either play ball or get beaten.

Many Nigerians are still struggling to understand how the Supreme Court, in all of five months, was unable to hear the PDP Governors’ suit challenging the constitutionality of Rivers State emergency rule. Where lies the confidence that litigations on party leadership tussles will be justly addressed? How can opposition parties stand strong, free from the ruling party’s underhanded tactics?

And while the ruling party finds the defections into its fold fair and square, she says nothing about the illegitimately inherited mandates therefrom. Electoral mandates belong to political parties whose logos appear on the ballot papers. What right do defecting politicians have to transfer the mandate from their originating parties to another party? Defections rob the electorate of their authority, their values, and their self-esteem. Rewarded mandates from defection transactions are a potential source of instability.

Advertisement

A scenario in which major opposition parties and candidates are not on the ballot in 2027 is not far-fetched. That would be an unprecedented, costly development. A situation in which opposition parties are adopting the incumbent as their candidate amidst protests from their members would be unhealthy and counterproductive in the long run.

With no provision for independent candidates, no lawful efforts should be spared to ensure that parties give expression to the yearnings of their membership, as well as the mood of society.

Despite numerous appeals from various groups nationwide urging President Bola Tinubu to release Mazi Nnamdi Kanu, the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), without conditions, new challenges have emerged regarding the planned protests aimed at showing solidarity for the Southeast indigene.

Kanu has been in detention since 2015, and as the calls for his release grow louder, the organization and execution of demonstrations in his support have encountered significant obstacles. Click link to continue reading.

The apex Igbo socio-cultural organization, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, has distanced itself, alongside South-East governors and Igbo Ministers, from the nationwide protest scheduled for October 20, 2025, demanding the unconditional release of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.

Ohanaeze, in collaboration with the region’s governors and ministers, said it holds “a grave sense of responsibility and a profound commitment to the well-being of the zone and the stability of the country.”

The group specifically condemned the planned protests, describing them as orchestrated by political actors including Sowore and Atiku, and said such demonstrations were not in the interest of the South-East or the nation.

The statement was issued on Thursday by the factional Deputy President-General, Mazi Okechukwu Isiguzoro, and Chief Chinyereze Thompson Ohia, the organization’s National Spokesperson, and was made available to journalists.

Ohanaeze said, ”We view this purported demonstration with extreme suspicion and firmly believe it to be a thinly veiled attempt at fomenting unrest, destabilizing the government of President Bola Tinubu, and exploiting the legitimate concerns of Ndigbo for nefarious political ends.

Advertisement

”Our considered assessment, informed by credible intelligence and meticulous analysis, reveals that this proposed action is nothing more than a cynical ploy designed to instigate a repeat of the EndSARS riots, ultimately aimed at undermining the current administration.”

It noted that this scheme, allegedly funded by elements associated with Atiku Abubakar and his cohorts, seeks to exploit the genuine desire for Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s release and draw unsuspecting Igbo citizens into a dangerous and destructive venture.

“In light of these grave concerns, we unequivocally reject the deception and Advocacy for Peaceful Resolution: The pursuit of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu’s release through political solutions and the established judicial processes is paramount. We vehemently denounce any attempt by politicians, particularly those with a demonstrable history of acting against Igbo interests, to utilize the situation for their political gain.

“The sudden and unsolicited display of “uneasy affection for Igbo caused by individuals previously indifferent or even hostile to our community raises significant red flags. We, the Igbo people, are too astute and discerning to be ensnared by the Atiku-Sowore booby trap.

“We call to denounce and avoid planned unrest. We implore all Nigerians, particularly those who cherish truth, justice, and democracy, to distance themselves from the planned protests, riots, and acts of civil disobedience scheduled for 20th October 2025.

“Ndigbo must not be used as pawns in any political game orchestrated by Atiku Abubakar and his allies, the ultimate aim being to destabilize the Tinubu administration. We emphatically state that this planned disruption does not serve the interests of Ndigbo, nor does it contribute to the cause of Mazi Nnamdi Kanu.

“The Atiku-Sowore scheme will undoubtedly undermine the ongoing judicial proceedings and the ongoing political discussions and negotiations, which Mazi Nnamdi Kanu has wisely entrusted to a team led by Hon. Obi Aguocha.

Advertisement

“Concerns Regarding Public Safety and Security: We are deeply concerned that the planned protests and riots will endanger the lives and property of Nigerians, a tragic scenario we witnessed during the EndSARS riots. The potential for widespread violence, looting, and the destruction of critical infrastructure is a grave concern that cannot be ignored.”

John Chuma Nwosu, the African Democratic Congress (ADC) candidate for the upcoming governorship election in Anambra State, has officially committed to serving only one term if elected.

Nwosu, a resident of Nnewi in the Anambra South Senatorial Zone, is running in a race that includes the incumbent governor, Prof. Chukwuma Soludo, who is also from the same zone and is seeking re-election.

Anambra State follows an unwritten zoning arrangement, which entails the rotation of the governorship among its three senatorial zones. As part of this tradition, Nwosu has promised to complete the remaining term for the South, which is part of the ongoing rotation cycle.

To formalize his commitment, Nwosu visited the High Court in Awka on Thursday, where he swore an affidavit affirming his intention to govern Anambra State for a single four-year term.

The move has been hailed as a bold and exemplary step, reflecting Nwosu’s commitment to transparency, accountability, and selfless leadership.

Speaking after signing the affidavit, Nwosu said leadership should not be about holding on to power but about achieving tangible results within a set timeframe.

He stated, “I came into the race to serve, not to rule. I have publicly made this commitment before and have now legally sealed it before the court. Four years is enough to transform Anambra if there is sincerity of purpose.”

Advertisement

Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, has dropped a major hint that he may endorse one of his current team members as his preferred successor ahead of the 2027 governorship election.

Speaking on Thursday during the Stakeholders’ Consultative and Engagement Meeting on the 2026 Budget at the Ogunlana Hall, University of Ibadan, Makinde said such a move would guarantee stability and sustain his administration’s development roadmap.

According to him, continuity is key to maintaining the progress Oyo State has recorded in the last few years.

“If we put anybody forward in our team, what it means is that we have evaluated that individual. It wouldn’t be about the individual per se. If, within the team, we have a roadmap for continued development of Oyo State for 2027 and beyond, and we have people within that team who have already bought into it, that would be the best path forward,” he said.

Governor Makinde, whose second term ends in 2027, stressed that while he may make recommendations, the final choice of the next governor rests squarely with the people of Oyo State.

“The decision on who would be the next governor rests with the people of Oyo State. We will make our own submission to the people, because Oyo State has gone beyond stunt politics. Maybe it used to happen in the past. Now, Oyo State people will ask you questions,” he added.

Consequently, Makinde’s remarks have already stirred political interest within the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and beyond.

Advertisement

His statement might set the stage for internal realignments as 2027 draws closer.

However, it could be recalled that earlier this year in January, Governor Makinde had hinted that his preferred successor would likely be someone younger and part of his current political structure.

PoliticsNigeria

Former Abia State Governor and Senator, Orji Uzor Kalu, has proclaimed himself the most important political figure in Nigeria’s South East, dismissing claims that Labour Party presidential candidate Peter Obi is his leader.

Speaking in an interview on Wednesday, Kalu highlighted his political achievements, arguing that his electoral and administrative record surpasses Obi’s.

“Peter is not my leader. I’m the most important politician from that zone. I have won two states before under the PPA.

“I have run for president before. My 4.9 million votes are still there since 2007,” Kalu stated.

He further noted that his influence extended to the federal level during the administration of the late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua.

“I achieved a lot with PPA. We had ministers, ambassadors, and several appointments under President Yar’Adua,” he said.

Challenging Obi directly, Kalu added: “Arrange in your studio a meeting between me and Peter Obi. Put two of us in the same place.”

Advertisement

Chief John Uche is the first president of Ohaneze Ndigbo in Lagos State. He speaks with SUBAIR MOHAMMED of Nigerian Tribune, on the alleged political conspiracy against the Ndigbo and why Igbo presidency is difficult to achieve.

Why is it difficult for the South-East to produce the president of the country despite several attempts by Igbo politicians?

We have tried our best but this time around, we’ll get it right. We are trying to reach out to other ethnic groups to align with us. If we are to go by numerical strength, I can tell you Igbo people have the numerical strength to rule Nigeria. For instance, in Lagos State, the Igbo are the most populated tribe. This is why I respect President Tinubu. In 2006 during census, the Federal Government downplayed the number because of the issue President Obasanjo had with Tinubu as the governor of Lagos State then, but he organised his own census and came up with 17.8 million total population of Lagos.

Out of this number, Igbo was 9.2 million with 6 million taxable adults. At as then, we were 53 percent of the population of Lagos State. As at 2023, according to INEC records, the total 6.6 million out of which the Igbo has 4.8 million. The record is there. If we want to win over Alausa, we will but we are respecting the law of the land that is why we are putting the indigene at the forefront and we will support him. In every free and fair election, the Igbo people will win. In every state of the federation, after the indigene, the Igbo have the highest number and that was why when they attacked the Igbo in 2023 election, the former DG of NOA visited Eze Ndigbo Lagos to pacify us. The Igbo are the most populated tribe in Nigeria but religion and tribalism is what is killing us as a country. The Igbo intermarried and mingled without any crisis. We contributed to the growth of Lagos State. Our contribution is not less than 75 percent of the economy of Lagos State. They sold their land to us and later come to tell me that we are not land owners. Who owns the land?

To what extent can you say Ohaneze Ndigbo serves as the rallying point and negotiate the interest of the Igbo people?

First of all, Ohaneze Ndigbo was not established as a political group. Prior to its formation, there was the Igbo State Union (ISU) but it was proscribed in 1965. After the civil war, Igbo leaders came together in search of leadership and that gave birth to the formation of Ohaneze Ndigbo in 1975. Then, it was only in Enugu. We only held our meetings in Enugu and returned to our respective destinations. Traditional rulers and eminent Igbo personalities were the handlers of Ohaneze then. But when the NPA and NPP were formed, rather than leave Ohaneze as the umbrella body and the rallying point for the Ndigbo, they decided to introduce politics to the group and crisis erupted. Consequently, it was stepped down. We decided that those that wanted to go into politics should go for politics while Ohaneze continue to exist as the apex socio-cultural group for the Ndigbo.

During the SDP/NRC era, precisely between 1991 and 1992 in Lagos State, an Igbo man won the local government election in Amuwo Odofin Local Government Area but they ganged up against him and robbed him of his mandate. The election was nullified on the ground that he didn’t have political spread in Amuwo Odofin therefore a by-election was held and of course, he was rigged out. Out of annoyance, the young man left Lagos for Enugu where he stood for an election and won. This episode in Lagos State rekindled the political consciousness of the Igbo people and later gave birth to the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

Advertisement

And has it been able to revive the political consciousness of the Igbo?

Exactly! After what played out in Lagos, I studied the political dynamism of Lagos politics and the way Igbo people were humiliated. So, I went to Ikemba to discuss the need for the Igbo people to have their own party. The North formed the NEPU, NPN, NPP, GNPP and PRP and the Igbo people followed them and became their campaigners. Equally, the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo envisioned the Action Group (AG) and later the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and today, the Yoruba people formed the Alliance for Democracy (AD) which was used to negotiate positions in the national politics. It is time we formed a political party that would promote our own ideologies as Igbo people. So, the People’s Democratic Congress (PDC) was birthed. We packaged it and held meetings in Lagos and Enugu in a hotel that was owned by Dr Alex Ekwueme.

At this time, Dr Ekwueme was the chairman of the G34 but when we saw the direction he was heading, Ikemba instructed us to name our party the PDC and Dr Ekwueme turned the G34 to the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). But being a former Vice President, he was able to get the PDP registered with INEC while we were not registered because of the similarity in the name. Out of annoyance, Ojukwu moved to join the APP while Chekwas Okorie, myself and others tried to join the PDP but then it was too late. So, we decided to join the elite politics of the Ohaneze. While on this, we were advised to change the PDC to UPGA — United Progressives Grand Alliance. You would remember that UPGA was the coalition party that was used to perpetuate Okpara in power when Chief Awolowo was in prison. It had grassroots acceptance and I used Ohaneze offices in the South-West to mobilise and it later became a national party.

On July 28, 2001, we announced UPGA to the world in Enugu and again, INEC couldn’t register us. I met with Dr Chukwuemeka Ezeife to tell him about our plight and he gave me a note to the INEC’s National Legal Adviser, Ifeyinwa Obegelu, who later advised that we should change the name of the party. She told us that President Olusegun Obasanjo didn’t want UPGA to be registered because it was proscribed in 1965. It was at this point that we changed the “United” in UPGA to “All” and that was how the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA) came into existence.

So, former President Obasanjo’s rejection of UPGA led to its renaming as APGA?

Yes. When we submitted the documents for registration, within two hours, Obasanjo got hint about the change of name. He was alarmed! He insisted on APGA not being registered. So, I went back to Dr Ezeife who directed me to the former Senate President, Anyim Pius Anyim. Initially, I refused to meet with Senator Anyim because of his hobnobbing with President Obasanjo against the Igbo people but I can tell you that Pius Anyim was the one who facilitated the registration of APGA. He called the INEC chairman, Abel Goubadia, for an update about all the political associations and he told him that only two parties made the requirements. Anyim expressed his interest in one of the political associations and that was how APGA was registered as a political party.

So, since coming on board, at what point did the relevance of APGA start dwindling to just one state and without national appeal?

Advertisement

It’s unfortunate. When APGA was registered, it was to negotiate the interest of the Igbo people but unfortunately, the existing political parties, especially the PDP, made sure that no Igbo elite came into APGA. But when Rochas Okorocha vied for governorship under APGA, we had two states, Imo and Anambra States.

In 2011, when the gang up was so much, I went to Ogbonnaya Onu that there was need for us to form a coalition of parties to chase the PDP out of power. I met with the elites in ACN, LP, APP, APGA and CPC. They saw how lofty the idea of a coalition was. President Muhammadu Buhari was on a lesser hajj then and we were received by the CPC chairman, Tony Momoh. We also met with Chief Bisi Akande who was the chairman of ACN at the time but he asked us to see Asiwaju Bola Tinubu and he welcomed us. I also went to Victor Umeh who pledged to support any move that would advance the cause of the Igbo people.

In 2012, Ogbonnaya, as the chairman of the ANPP, wrote all of them to drop their parties. Instead of coalition which was the original idea, they began to talk about merger and that was how the APC was formed. APGA was part of the merger talk through Rochas Okorocha but he chose to remain in the APC and that was what killed APGA in Imo State. This becomes the ways of our leaders, especially the Igbo elites. They don’t join political parties to build it but APGA continued to hold Anambra State because of the influence and presence of Ikemba. But problem started when they refused to rotate the chairmanship of APGA and allow other states to produce the party chairman, and that adversely affected the party not to grow.

And that led you to the Labour Party?

Yes, I left APGA for the LP a long time ago because of the leadership tussle. I am now in the Labour Party. Many of us are in LP. In Oshodi-Isolo, there is no way you’ll win an election without being in Labour Party. This is like our vineyard. But the ADC is also like our own party because the man, Ralph Nwosu, who founded the party, is my friend. He was in APGA. He was behind structures of APGA in Anambra because he contested for the governorship. He won the primary election but Ikemba told me that in Enugu where he lived, his candidate was Ugo Agbala while he chose Peter Obi as his candidate for Anambra and that was how Nwosu got angry and left APGA to form the ADC. Since then, we have been working together as friends. So, ADC is not a new party. We are looking at adopting the ADC as a coalition party on the ground that we will be accommodated. We join politics not only to make money but to develop the country and ensure that the people enjoy the dividends of democracy and respect the constitution of the party and the country.

Between Vice President Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, who would you prefer as the coalition candidate for the ADC?

We are not just going to support any politician that is bent on fulfilling his lifelong ambition of becoming the president. If the idea was just for somebody to be president, we won’t support such. Atiku has been inadvertently making efforts to be president. He is a strong man and a former Vice President of Nigeria but sometimes you’ll have to leave law and follow moral for things to move forward. On Peter Obi, he is not a condition for me to be in any political party. I wasn’t in the Labour Party when he was there but because of the ideas of how the Igbo people were abandoned and rejected, we all rallied round him in 2023.

Advertisement

We were all in the PDP at a time. When leadership came from the West, when Obasanjo was there, all of us rallied round him. Even when his people rejected him and he lost his ward, we voted him into power and he carried the Igbo along. When the leadership went to the North during late President Umar Yar’Adua’s presidency, he carried everybody along but death could not allow him to continue. Then Goodluck Jonathan came in, he did his best to hold the country together until late Buhari, who believed he must rule, came in. He edged Jonathan out and he changed the entire system. Buhari turned it to war.

Our cry of neglect and marginalisation started under late former President Buhari because he did a whole lot of things against the Ndigbo to the extent that we became a dot in the circle. We all rallied round and voted him into power. He begged for only one term but ended up with two tenures. Tinubu would have been the president earlier because he negotiated with six Southwest states but Buhari came with only one state and Ogbonnaya Onu came with three states. Buhari begged and it was concluded that because of his age, he should be allowed to go for one term and at the end of his tenure, he successfully made nonsense of Nigeria.

And has anything changed for the Ndigbo under President Bola Tinubu?

When Tinubu won the election and became the president, we thought he would carry everybody along but he didn’t. In the South East, we have just five ministers as stipulated by the constitution but in the South West, there are nine ministers. Let’s say originally, the South West deserves six and the three portfolios he created himself, at least, he should have spread it. All the choice positions are given to the South West. In Igbo land, there is no federation presence in terms of infrastructure. Almost all South East roads are impassable that travelling becomes difficult. From Enugu to Port Harcourt, the road is nothing to write home about and from Onitsha to Owerri, it’s a pitiable sight. The much talked about Second Niger Bridge has not been completed since Buhari administration. The construction is still ongoing. If we are not marginalised, tell me one federal industry that is located in the East? What we have in Igbo land is the sight of the police and military and checkpoints everywhere.

What’s your assessment of Tinubu’s administration?

I cannot condemn him because it’s just two years and some months in office. He is trying his best to fix the country but he should step up his game. People are crying. He should listen to them. I’ve worked with Tinubu. He is a proponent of democracy. He cannot be president now and abandon it. Our border should be open for prices of food to be reduced. I see no reason the border should be closed and insecurity is on the increase. There is no way we can have it all but let him accommodate others.

Culled from Nigerian Tribune

Advertisement