Politics
Atiku, Obi file 86-ground appeals against Tinubu at Supreme Court
Barely two weeks after the Presidential Election Petition Tribunal affirmed the victory of President Bola Tinubu in the February 25 polls, the presidential candidates of the Peoples Democratic Party and Labour Party, Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi, have filed 86 grounds of appeal at the Supreme Court to nullify the judgment.
The two candidates in separate appeals filed on Tuesday, asked the apex court to set aside the PEPT ruling and nullify Tinubu’s election, describing the verdict as erroneous.
Atiku’s appeal was hinged on 35 grounds in which he faulted the tribunal’s ruling on electronic transmission of results, Federal Capital Territory votes, and other key planks.
Obi, on the other hand, faulted the September 6 judgment on 51 grounds.
The PEPT led by Justice Haruna Tsammani had in a unanimous decision held that Atiku and Obi as well as other petitioners failed to substantiate their allegations against the poll conducted by the Independent National Electoral Commission.
The justices stated that the documentary and oral evidence presented before them could not prove the claims of irregularities, corrupt practices, non-compliance with the electoral guidelines, and other allegations for which the petitioners had asked the court to void Tinubu’s election.
Atiku, who came second in the poll, had prayed the court to void Tinubu’s election and declare him as the authentic winner of the poll and Obi on the other hand, also said he was the rightful winner of the polls despite coming third in the exercise.
In the Notice of Appeal dated September 18, and filed by his lead counsel, Chief Chris Uche, SAN, the former Vice President, sought the nod of the apex court to allow the appeal and set aside the judgment of the lower court.
Atiku’s appeal
Atiku and the PDP are also asking the Supreme Court to determine that Tinubu was not duly elected by a majority of votes cast in the election and therefore,’’ the declaration and return of the 2nd respondent (Tinubu) by the 1st respondent (INEC) as the winner of the presidential election conducted on February 25, 2023 is unlawful, wrongful, unconstitutional, undue , null and void and of no effect whatsoever.’’
The appellants further want the court to determine that the 2nd respondent was at the time of the election not qualified to contest the said election.
They are also praying the court to declare that Atiku, the 1st appellant, ‘’having scored the majority of lawful votes cast in the presidential election, be returned as the winner of the said election and be sworn in as the duly elected President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.’’
In the alternative, the PDP flag bearer is seeking an order directing the electoral commission to conduct a run-off between him and Tinubu.
In the ground one of the appeal, Atiku held that the tribunal erred by refusing to uphold his argument on the compulsory electronic transmission of results as contained in the Electoral Act, 2022.
Citing page 678 of the judgment, he stated, ‘’The lower court erred in law when it refused to uphold the mandatoriness of electronic transmission of results for confirmation and verification of final results introduced by the Electoral Act 2O22 for transparency and integrity of results in accordance with the principles of the Act.’’
Atiku insisted that the Electoral Act introduced technology in the conduct of elections, particularly in the transmission and collation of results, being part of the election process easily susceptible to manipulation and compromise.
“Failure to comply with the said prescription of electronic transmission of the result of the said election in the polling units by the Presiding Officers amounts to non-compliance with the provisions of section 60(5), section 64(4), and (5) of the Electoral Act,2022 which requires the transfer of the results of the election in the polling units by the Presiding officers in the manner prescribed by INEC,” he added.
The appellant further averred that the PEPT erred in law when despite the clear provisions of the enabling statutes, namely the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended), the Electoral Act 2022, the Regulations and Guidelines for the Conduct of Election, and the election manual, it held that the requirement of electronic transmission of the result of the election directly from the polling units to the INEC collation system was not a requirement of the Electoral Act, 2022.
Atiku further insisted that the lower court erred in failing to hold that the non-use of electronically transmitted results by the 1st respondent’s collation officers and returning officers for the collation and verification of election results before announcement, constitutes non-compliance with the mandatory provisions of the Electoral Act,2022.
He also argued that the tribunal was wrong to shift the burden of proof to him, referencing page 644 of the judgment.
Atiku and the PDP equally submitted that the lower court erred in law when it failed to nullify the presidential election on the grounds of non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 ‘’when by evidence before the court, the 1st respondent conducted the election based on very grave and gross misrepresentation contrary to the principles of the Electoral Act 2022, based on the “doctrine of legitimate expectation.”
While pointing out that the Electoral Act 2022 made the use of Bi-modal Verification Accreditation System and INEC’s Results Viewing portals mandatory in the conduct of the 2023 general election, the appellants noted that INEC through its Chairman, Prof Yakubu Mahmoud, publicly gave guarantees, undertakings, clear and unambiguous representations to candidates and political parties that the polling units results were mandatorily required to be electronically transmitted or transferred directly by the presiding officers.
Atiku held that INEC conducted the said Presidential election based on ‘’the gross misrepresentation’’ to the appellants and the general voting public that the presiding officers were going to electronically transmit the results of the said election directly from the polling units to the 1st respondent’s collation system.
He added that “Contrary to the above unambiguous representations, undertakings, and guarantees, the 1st respondent neither deployed the electronic transmission of election results nor the electronic collation system in the said election, sabotaging the raison d’etre for the enactment of the new Electoral Act 2022 and the introduction of the technological innovations.
Public institutions
“Rather than hold the 1st respondent as a public institution accountable to the representations that it made pursuant to its statutory and constitutional duties which created a legitimate expectation on the part of the appellants, the lower court wrongly exonerated the 1st respondent of any responsibility by holding that the use of the technological innovations to guarantee transparency was not mandatory.”
The appellants also challenged the tribunal’s verdict on the 25 percent votes requirement in the Federal Capital Territory in grounds 9, 10, 11, and 12 of their 42-page appeal.
Specifically in ground 12, Atiku faulted the PEPT lower court for saying that in a Presidential election, polling one-quarter or 25 percent of total votes cast in the FCT was not a precondition for a candidate to be deemed as duly elected under section 734 of the Constitution.
Atiku challenged the decision of the tribunal to strike out his witnesses’ statements on oath.
Highlighting the particular errors made by the tribunal, Atiku said, “The witnesses’ statements on oath and the reports were products of the inspection conducted pursuant to the order of the court, and could not have been produced in advance before the filing of the petition; same being dependent on access to electoral documents in the possession of an adverse party.
“The PW 12, PW L3t PW L4, PW 15, PW 16, PW 17, PW 18, PW 23, PW 24, and PW 25 were presiding officers, being ad hoc staff of INEC who functioned at the polling units, who could only testify upon orders of subpoena, being staff of an adverse party, and could not have prepared witness statements on oath in advance before the filing of the petition.”
Atiku in ground 14 also held that the lower court erred in law when it held that Order 3, Rules 2 and 3 of the Federal High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules, 2019 permitting parties to file witness statements of subpoenaed witnesses after commencement of action did not apply to election petitions.
Regarding the court’s ruling that Tinubu was qualified to contest the presidential election, Atiku held that the grounds of qualification and disqualification to contest an election were circumscribed by the provisions of the Constitution and such grounds are exhaustive.
The appellants also maintained that the lower court was wrong to have dismissed the testimonies of their collation agents as hearsays, citing page 657 of the judgment.
On the decision of the court that the appellants dumped certain exhibits on the court without any witness linking them up with the specific complaint of non-compliance, Atiku and PDP averred that the lower court erred in law because ‘’it failed to give effect to section 137 of the Electoral Act 2022 which obviated the requirement of calling of oral evidence where the non-compliance is manifest on the face of the certified true copy of the electoral document.’’
The parties added that all the electoral documents in question held to have been dumped on the court were duly certified true copies of electoral documents obtained by the appellants from INEC itself.
The appellants dismissed claims by the justices that ‘’a document made in anticipation of litigation or during its pendency by persons interested is rendered inadmissible in evidence by virtue of section 83 (3) of the Evidence Act, 2011.’’
The appellants insisted that the PW21 and PW26 who prepared the said documents and through whom they were tendered are experts.
‘’These exhibits were products of court-ordered inspection of electoral documents in the possession of the 1st respondent. The said provision of section 83(3) of the Evidence Act, 2011 does not apply to the evidence of experts, ‘’ Atiku’s lawyer further argued.
The appeal faulted the justices for not evaluating the appellant’s exhibits and for not admitting Senator Dino Melay’s evidence, which was described as mere hearsay.
Atiku and the PDP were also unhappy with the justices for stating that the evidence of PWs 19, 20, and 22 did not advance the case of the petitioners, noting that the tribunal used disparaging words against the applicants in its judgment.
Obi faults judgment
Obi in his notice of appeal filed by his lead counsel, Dr Livy Uzoukwu, SAN, is praying the apex court to, among other things, allow his appeal and set aside the ‘’perverse judgment’’ of the lower court.
Obi complained about the whole decision of the panel, particularly pages 3-327 of the judgment except the rulings in favour of the appellants.
He submitted that the tribunal justices reached a wrong conclusion when they held that the petitioners did not specify the particular polling units where the alleged irregularities and malpractices occurred, or specified the figures of the votes or scores which they alleged have been suppressed, deflated, or inflated.
Rather, he said the justices overlooked the fact of the appellants’ pleading that certain facts and documents were captured in a particular pleading by incorporation or reference did not amount to a concession that those facts were not pleaded.
He further explained that the appellants exercised their option of listing all the documents pleaded in the body of their petition by incorporation/reference, hence complied with the said paragraph 4(5((c) of the First Schedule to the Electoral Act, 2022, noting that a party should not be penalised for scrupulously complying with both statutory and judicial laws settled in Nigeria.
Obi and the LP disagreed with the court’s submission that paragraph 72 of their petition was vague, insisting that it constituted a complaint of over-voting in polling units in 13 states pleaded in the petition namely Ekiti, Oyo, Ondo, Taraba, Osun, Kano, Rivers, Borno, Katsina, Kwara, Gombe, Yobe and Niger States ‘’with full and specific itemization in the forensic report produced/tendered by the appellants which was unlawfully discountenanced by the court below.’’
In its ground seven, Obi affirmed that the justices also erred in law and occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice when they held that the onus was on the appellants to prove the 1st respondent failed to comply with the mandatory requirements of section 73(2) of the Electoral Act in the conduct of the questioned presidential poll.
According to Obi, the tribunal overlooked the fact that the chairman of the 1st respondent is the officer in lawful custody of election documents which the appellants applied for, within the meaning and contemplation of both the Electoral Act and the Evidence Act.
‘’Despite the service of the subpoenas on the 1st respondent, the 1st respondent still failed to produce the election documents up to and until the conclusion of proceedings in the trial court.
‘’The refusal and or failure of the 1st respondent to produce the election materials, in all circumstances, amounted to disobedience of court order and raised the presumption of withholding evidence under section 167(d) of the Evidence Act, 2011, against the 1st respondents,’’ the appeal further said.
Obi contended that the court lacked jurisdiction when it struck out evidence of 10 out of the 13 witnesses called by the appellants, relying on section 285(5) of the 1999 Constitution as amended; section 132(7) of the Electoral Act, 2022 and paragraphs 4(5)(a)-(c), 6 and 14(2); Oke vs. Mimiko (2013) LPELR-20645 (SC).
He also held that the justices erred in law and reached a perverse decision when they discountenanced and expunged the evidence of PW4, PW7 and PW8 as being persons interested in the outcome of the proceedings.
Obi also argued that sections 41 (1), 47 (2), 50 (2), 62 (1) & (2), 64 (4) (a) & (b), (5), (6) (c) & (d),(7) & 152 of the Electoral Act 2022, when interpreted together, provide for IReV and the electronic transmission of polling unit results to IReV.
On the alleged criminal conviction of the erstwhile All Progressives Congress flag bearer by a United States court for drug dealing, the appellants further canvassed that ‘’the justices erred in law and contradicted themselves.’’
The appellants argued that section 301 of the constitution made the president the governor of Abuja.
They noted that the court failed to appreciate that for the president to assume office or the position of the governor of Abuja, he is also under a mandate to secure 25 percent of votes cast in the FCT.
Addressing the dismissal of the European Union report, the petitioners declared that section 104(1) of the Evidence Act, 2011 relied upon by the lower court did not prohibit the making of many originals of public documents and depositing of some of the said original copies with more than one public office or officer, as in this case.
Reacting to the appeals, the Director of Publicity for the APC, Bala Ibrahim, said there was no cause for alarm.
He said, “It is a legal matter. But I think they have a right to do so. It can’t give the party a sleepless night. The ruling party has its own lawyers who are up to the task. It is not an issue though.”
punch.
Fresh political tensions have surfaced in Rivers State, stirring anxiety among residents, even after the lifting of a six-month emergency rule that had been imposed on the region.
The situation has been compounded by the mysterious absence of the suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, leaving many to wonder about his whereabouts. Click to continue reading.
This uncertainty ignited a wave of anticipation early Thursday morning, as thousands of devoted supporters gathered outside the gates of the Government House in Port Harcourt as early as 6 a.m., eagerly awaiting the governor’s return. They hoped to witness his reappearance and celebrate his reinstatement, only to be met with disappointment as the hours passed without any sign of him.
As midday approached, the energy of the crowd began to wane. The governor, despite being reinstated following the official conclusion of the emergency rule by President Bola Tinubu, had not made any appearance. One by one, many supporters reluctantly left the scene, their enthusiasm dampened by his continued absence.
Among the loyal crowd were several sacked local government chairmen who remained steadfast in their support for Fubara, including the likes of Chijoke Ihunwo from Obio/Akpor and Ezebunwo Itche-Mati from Port Harcourt City. In stark contrast, the event was noticeably devoid of allies of the former Governor Nyesom Wike, the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, as well as the newly elected local government chairmen who are perceived to be aligned with him.
The governor’s absence followed a momentous declaration from President Bola Tinubu the previous Wednesday, which formally lifted the emergency rule in Rivers State. This rule had not only suspended Fubara but also his deputy, Ngozi Nma Odu, alongside members of the House of Assembly, with Rear Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (retd.) appointed as the sole administrator during that turbulent period.
Meanwhile, the legislative arm of the state resumed its activities on Thursday at the conference hall of the legislative quarters, with Speaker Martins Amaewhule taking charge of the proceedings.
The lawmakers wasted no time, launching an inquiry into the state’s finances during Ibas’s administration, while also urging Governor Fubara to submit a list of nominees for commissioners for their scrutiny. The atmosphere in Rivers State remains charged, with political uncertainty lingering in the air.
Politics
REVEALED: Atiku, Peter Obi, 3 Other Nigerians Named In Top 15 Richest African Politicians (Full List)
The common stereotype is that African politics is a fast track to riches. Corruption scandals across the continent reinforce that perception. But there’s another side to the story: a select group of African leaders who amassed vast fortunes well before stepping into government.
They weren’t climbing into office to get rich—they were already among the wealthiest individuals in their nations, with fortunes ranging from tens of millions to billions of dollars.
These men and women made their money in industries as varied as mining, telecoms, banking, brewing, cotton, oil services, and logistics. Forbes and Forbes Afrique have tracked some of their net worths, offering rare glimpses into their fortunes before politics.
1) Cyril Ramaphosa (South Africa)
Before becoming South Africa’s president in 2018, Ramaphosa built Shanduka Group into one of the country’s leading Black-owned investment companies with stakes in mining, fast food, and banking. Forbes once pegged his fortune at about $450 million, long before he returned to politics as deputy president and then president.
Public Office: President (2018– ); Deputy President (2014–2018).
2) Patrice Talon (Benin)
Nicknamed “King of Cotton,” Talon made his money in cotton ginning and port logistics. By 2015, Forbes estimated his wealth at about $400 million, a year before he won Benin’s presidency.
Public Office: President (2016– ).
3) Aziz Akhannouch (Morocco)
Akhannouch built Akwa Group, a major petroleum and chemicals conglomerate. Forbes continues to list him as a billionaire, with wealth hovering around $1.5–1.6 billion. His fortune was firmly established before he became Morocco’s prime minister in 2021.
Public Office: Prime Minister (2021– ); former Minister of Agriculture.
4) Moulay Hafid Elalamy (Morocco)
Elalamy founded Saham Group and turned it into a major insurance player across Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, he sold Saham Finances to Sanlam for more than $1 billion, long before stepping away from Morocco’s industry and trade ministry.
Public Office: Minister of Industry & Trade (2013–2021).
5) Atiku Abubakar (Nigeria)
Atiku co-founded INTELS Nigeria, a dominant oil-and-gas logistics company in 1982, and established the American University of Nigeria. In 2021, he sold his stake in INTELS for over $100 million. He is the founder of Priam Group which is an umbrella conglomerate for a number of businesses spanning several sectors of the economy including manufacturing, media, banking, logistics and food processing.
Public Office: Vice President (1999–2007).
6) Peter Obi (Nigeria)
Obi built Next International, an import and distribution business, and later chaired Fidelity Bank. His financial security was well in place before serving as Anambra’s governor and becoming a presidential candidate.
Public Office: Governor of Anambra State (2006–2014).
7) Seyi Makinde (Nigeria)
Makinde founded Makon Group, an oil-services firm, and famously disclosed assets worth ₦48.15 billion when he became governor, underscoring that he didn’t need political office for wealth.
Public Office: Governor of Oyo State (2019– ).
8) Tabitha Karanja (Kenya)
Karanja co-founded Keroche Breweries in the 1990s, growing it into the country’s largest independent brewery and forcing multinational competitors to reckon with a homegrown challenger. In 2022, voters in Nakuru County sent her to Parliament’s upper house, making her one of the few prominent entrepreneurs to cross into high-level politics.
Public Office: Senator, Nakuru County (2022– ).
9) Sam Matekane (Lesotho)
Sam Matekane was Lesotho’s most successful businessman before his foray into politics. He is the founder of Matekane Group of Companies which has tentacles in construction, mining and aviation. Matekane entered politics and, in 2022, rose to become the country’s prime minister.
Public Office: Prime Minister (2022– ).
10) Rostam Aziz (Tanzania)
Aziz accumulated wealth through telecom investments and industrial services. Once listed by Forbes as a billionaire, he was already a major business figure when he entered parliament.
Public Office: Member of Parliament (1994–2011).
11) Peter Mbah (Nigeria)
Peter Mbah, the founder of Pinnacle Oil & Gas, established significant downstream petroleum facilities in Lekki years before turning to politics.
Public Office: Governor of Enugu State (2023– ).
12) Uhuru Kenyatta (Kenya)
The Kenyatta family empire spans banking, dairy, and real estate. Uhuru himself appeared on Forbes’ Africa rich list with a $500 million net worth before becoming Kenya’s president.
Public Office: President (2013–2022).
13) Tokyo Sexwale (South Africa)
A former anti-apartheid activist and Robben Island prisoner, Sexwale founded Mvelaphanda Group and became a key mining financier before serving as housing minister.
Public Office: Minister of Human Settlements (2009–2013).
14) Hakainde Hichilema (Zambia)
Hichilema was a successful rancher and corporate dealmaker before politics. He led Grant Thornton Zambia and amassed one of the country’s largest cattle herds before becoming president in 2021.
Public Office: President (2021– ).
15) Ronald Karauri (Kenya)
Karauri, a former Kenya Airways pilot, co-founded SportPesa, a major sports betting firm. His wealth was secured before he entered parliament as Kasarani’s MP in 2022.
Public Office: Member of Parliament (2022– ).
Former President Goodluck Jonathan is looking more likely to run against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
Recent events in the political scene are fueling this possibility.
On Thursday, Peter Obi, a former presidential candidate from the Labour Party, had an important and private meeting with Jonathan in Abuja. Click link to continue reading.
The Peoples Democratic Party and the Labour Party have ruled out dropping names and party structures for the 2027 general election, but would
Politics
“What I Would Do With Wike If I Were Fubara”: Ex-APC Governorship Candidate Reacts to Rivers Crisis
Fubara would not be able to make any decision
A former governorship candidate for the All Progressives Congress (APC), Tonye Cole, has responded to the ongoing political crisis in Rivers State.
Cole explained what he anticipates will happen to the suspended governor, Sim Fubara, when he eventually returns to office.
Additionally, the APC chieftain shared what actions he would take regarding the FCT minister, Nyesom Wike, if he were in Fubara’s shoe. …click link for full details
Legit reports that Fubara, who was suspended by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for six months is expected to return to office on Thursday, September 18, 2025.
Cole said Fubara would not be able to make any decision when his suspension is eventually lifted without interference.
The APC chieftain said Fubara would find himself in a difficult situation in running the affairs of the state. He stated this while speaking on Channels Television’s
The Morning Brief on Wednesday, September 17, 2025. The co-founder cried out, stating that Fubara would not be able to exercise his full authority as the governor of the oil-rich state.
“We cannot be in a situation where we have an elected governor of a state, like Rivers State, which is a very critical state not just for the people of Rivers but Nigeria as a whole, and what you then see is that you have an elected governor that has zero powers.
“I don’t think it portends well at all. It’s extremely difficult, and I think the governor will be finding himself in a very difficult situation” Cole advised Fubara to reach out to the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister, Nyesom Wike, and agree on how he can make certain decisions in the state.
“What I would do if I were him would be to now sit down with the honourable minister and appeal for some leeway to allow certain decisions to be taken by me as governor, and others to be taken by him, whatever peace agreement they had.”
As we approach the 2027 presidential elections, the possibility of former President Goodluck Jonathan positioning himself as a formidable challenger against the current President, Bola Tinubu, is gaining traction.
This shift in the political landscape is bolstered by recent events that suggest a strategic realignment among key political figures. Click link to continue reading.
Notably, Peter Obi, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, recently held a crucial and discreet meeting with Jonathan in Abuja. This gathering has raised eyebrows and sparked speculation about potential collaborations or endorsement scenarios leading up to the elections.
Should Obi choose to withdraw in favor of Jonathan, two significant outcomes could arise. First, Jonathan’s experience and recognition as a former president could galvanize support from a broader spectrum of voters, potentially positioning him as a strong contender against Tinubu. Second, such a move would indicate a willingness among prominent political figures to unify against a common opponent, which could reshape the dynamics of the race and influence the strategies of other candidates.
As we analyze these developments, the political implications surrounding the 2027 election continue to evolve, inviting further scrutiny and conversation about the future of Nigeria’s political landscape.
Recently, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, engaged in a significant and discreet meeting with Jonathan in the heart of Abuja.
“Today in Abuja, I had the privilege of meeting my esteemed elder brother, a distinguished statesman, and leader, former President Goodluck Jonathan @GEJonathan. Our closed-door discussion was fruitful, centering on the pressing issues facing our beloved nation,” he stated.
An insider, speaking on the condition of anonymity, revealed that influential political figures across the country are keenly interested in seeing Jonathan run for the presidency in 2027, urging Obi to consider stepping aside for the former president.
As Obi contemplates addressing his passionate Obidient Movement, various proposals are being considered, should both factions find common ground.
The source added that Jonathan might choose to align himself with a prominent candidate from the northern region, potentially selecting either Rabiu Kwankwaso or Bala Mohammed as his running mate.
In the meantime, the PDP Governors’ Forum, under the leadership of Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State, has formally endorsed Shekarau as the consensus national chairman in anticipation of the party’s convention slated for November 15 and 16 in Ibadan, Oyo State.
This strategic move has garnered support not only from Jonathan but also from Peter Obi, who, during their recent discussions in Abuja, expressed solidarity with the PDP’s goals.
A close associate of both leaders noted that they swapped insights regarding the political landscape as it shapes up for 2027, commending Mohammed’s efforts to stabilize the PDP and steer it away from the betrayals that have marred its reputation in recent years.
For Obi to accept such condition, according another source, there must be three important appointment that will come directly from him if all plans work in 2027.
Politics
Fresh Crisis Looms In Lagos As Sanwo-Olu, Obasa In Supremacy Battle… Speaker Gives Governor Standing Order
Warnings are emerging that a new political showdown may soon erupt in Lagos State, pitting Governor Sanwo-Olu against Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa. The unresolved tensions between these two influential figures suggest that the battle for supremacy is far from over.
Reports indicate that the Speaker, emboldened by a perceived directive from the executive, is contemplating a bold move to confront the governor. The air is thick with anticipation as these political rivals seem poised to clash once more, each determined to assert their dominance in the state’s power dynamics.
Another Executive-Legislative showdown is brewing in Lagos State as the House of Assembly under the speakership of Mudashiru Obasa today asked the State Governor, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu to withdraw appointment letters to appointees who are yet to be “cleared by the Assembly.”
It is a public knowledge that Obasa and Sanwo-Olu are not on good terms. This was believed to be one of the reasons behind Obasa’s recent removal.
However, the speaker managed to secure the backing of the “powers that be,” who facilitated his return as speaker.
At plenary on Tuesday, lawmakers angrily reacted to what they described as “the growing practice of political appointees assuming office without the constitutionally required confirmation of the House.”
Obasa said the development was a direct challenge to legislative authority, warning that it “tests the powers of the House.”
He held the Head of Service responsible for issuing appointment letters without legislative clearance and announced that the official will be summoned to explain.
Obasa further urged the Governor to withdraw all letters issued to appointees yet to be screened.
This follows a motion titled “Need for Government Appointees to appear before the House for Confirmation.”
Hon. Setonji David, Deputy Chief Whip, cited Sections 126 & 198 of the 1999 Constitution, stressing that no public officer should assume office without legislative screening, warning that such actions undermine separation of powers and weaken accountability.
Hon. Desmond Elliot called the development “an insult to the House,” insisting that no appointee or institution should defy Lagos laws.
Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh noted that some agencies operate without legal frameworks, which erodes due process in a state built on the rule of law.
Hon. Stephen Ogundipe reminded all aspiring public officers that confirmation is not a mere formality but a safeguard to ensure competence, integrity, and good character.
Hon. Kehinde Joseph demanded sanctions for repeated constitutional breaches and urged that any funds spent by unconfirmed officers be refunded to government coffers.
Hon. Rasheed Shabi condemned the lack of respect for legislative authority, describing the issuance of appointment letters without confirmation as a direct affront to the Constitution.
The Speaker directed the Clerk of the House, Barr. Olalekan Onafeko, to forward the Assembly’s resolution to the Governor for immediate action.
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