Politics
‘Abuja can’t be 37th state’, Atiku, Obi tells Supreme Court
Determined to nullify the election of President Bola Tinubu, candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, and his counterpart in the Labour Party, LP, Mr. Peter Obi, yesterday, lodged separate appeals before the Supreme Court.
The two candidates, in their appeals, prayed the apex court to set aside the judgment of the Presidential Election Petition Court, PEPC, which affirmed Tinubu of the ruling All Progressives Congress, APC, as the winner of the February 25, presidential election.
Specifically, they argued that the lower court erred in its judgment because Tinubu did not get at least 25 per cent of votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory, FCT, Abuja, adding that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, deliberately refused to transmit the results of the poll electronically to its portal in accordance with its guidelines.
They also argued that the PEPC glossed over their claims of manipulation of the poll, conducted in breach of the constitution and electoral act in spite of their weighty evidence.
Whereas Atiku, through his consortium of 67 lawyers that comprised 18 Senior Advocates of Nigeria led by Chief Chris Uche, SAN, filed 35 grounds of appeal to challenge Tinubu’s victory, Obi, through his own team of lawyers led by Dr. Livy Uzoukwu, SAN, filed 51 grounds of appeal before the apex court.
PEPC verdict, a grave miscarriage of justice – Atiku
Specifically, Atiku, in his appeal, maintained that the verdict of the Justice Haruna Tsammani-led five-member panel of the Court of Appeal, which had on September 6, dismissed his petition against the outcome of the presidential election, was not only “against the weight of evidence” but occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice against him.
The former Vice President insisted that the PEPC panel erred in law, when it failed to nullify the presidential election on the grounds of non-compliance with the Electoral Act, 2022, even when evidence that was adduced before it showed that the Independent National Electoral Commission, INEC, acted in breach of extant laws and regulations guiding the conduct of elections.
He accused the PEPC of reaching its unanimous decision based on gross misconstruction and misrepresentation of provisions of both the 1999 Constitution, as amended, and the Electoral Act, 2022.
His words: “The lower court erred in law when it refused to uphold the mandatories of electronic transmission of results for confirmation and verification of final results introduced by the Electoral Act 2022 for transparency and integrity of results in accordance with the principles of the Act.”
Deliberate non-compliance with election guidelines
He argued that Section 64(4) & (5) of the Electoral Act, as well as INEC’s Regulations and Guidelines for the conduct of the election, which he tendered in evidence, made mandatory, the use of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System, BVAS, machines for electronic transmission of results of the election directly from the polling units to INEC’s collation system for the verification, confirmation and collation of results before announcement.
Atiku told the apex court that some of the presiding officers who personally handled the BVAS machines at polling units on the election day, had in their testimony before the PEPC, “confirmed the non-transmission of results of the presidential election electronically from the BVAS machines, whereas results of the National Assembly election that held simultaneously, were electronically transmitted without difficulty.”
“The bypass of the use of the prescribed verification technology was nationwide, affecting the entire polling units and collation of results all over Nigeria, and substantially affected the outcome of the election,” Atiku added.
INEC didn’t explain glitch in the e-transmission of results
More so, he told the court that INEC’s sole witness, Lawrence Bayode, admitted that the Commission experienced a technical glitch that made the system to fail to work on the day of the election, “which technical glitch was not explained by the 1st Respondent.”
Besides, he argued that by virtue of Section 169(1) of the Constitution and Section 148 of the Electoral Act, the INEC regulations and guidelines had the force of law, being a direct product of the Constitution itself, thus, qualifying as a subsidiary legislation.
Atiku told the apex court that the non-compliance with the Electoral Act was nationwide, cutting across 176, 846 polling units in the country, a situation he said substantially affected the outcome of the election.
“The case of the Appellants was that under the new legal regime of technology-based collation of results under the Electoral Act 2022, the Appellants, by credible evidence, established deliberate non-compliance by the 1st Respondent with the electronic transmission of election result which was nationwide.”
Doctrine of legitimate expectation
He said the outcome of the election ought to have been canceled “based on the doctrine of legitimate expectation.”
FCT 25% requirement’s mandatory, Abuja not 37th state
On constitutional requirement of one-quarter of the votes in two-thirds of the states and the FCT, Abuja, Atiku, argued that it was an additional and mandatory requirement to the provisions relating to the highest lawful votes and therefore a condition precedent to a declaration by INEC.
“The said FCT, Abuja, cannot be construed as the 37th state of Nigeria as done by the lower court in the light of the clear provisions of section 2(2) & section 3(1) of the 1999 Constitution.
“The lower court failed in its duty to interpret the material word ‘AND’ in the said sub-section.
“The provision of Section 134(2) (b) of the Constitution is clear on the requirement that a presidential candidate must score at least 25% of the total votes in the FCT, Abuja.
“There is no ambiguity or absurdity in the provision of Section 134 (2) (b) of the Constitution to warrant a resort to any other interpretation other than the literal rule as the lower court erroneously did,” Atiku further stated in the appeal he filed alongside his party, PDP.
The Appellants, therefore, prayed the apex court to allow the appeal, set aside the judgment of the PEPC and grant either their main or alternative reliefs.
He prayed the Supreme Court to among other things, hold that Tinubu was not duly elected by majority of lawful votes cast in the election and also declare that he was not qualified to be declared the winner.
Aside from praying the court to declare him as the authentic winner of the election and order his swearing in as President, Atiku, in the alternative, urged the court to order a run-off between him and Tinubu or to nullify the entire poll and order INEC to conduct a fresh one. Cited as Respondents in the appeal were INEC, Tinubu and the APC.
PEPC erred in law – Obi
In his own appeal, Obi, who came third in the presidential poll, maintained that the PEPC panel erred in law and thereby reached a wrong conclusion when it dismissed his petition.
He alleged that the panel wrongly evaluated the proof of evidence he adduced before it and occasioned a grave miscarriage of justice when it held that he did not specify polling units where irregularities occurred during the election.
Obi and the LP further faulted the PEPC for dismissing their case on the premise that they did not specify the figures of votes or scores that were allegedly suppressed or inflated in favour of President Tinubu and the APC.
They equally accused the Justice Tsammani-led panel of erring in law when it relied on paragraphs 4(1) (d) (2) and 54 of the First Schedule to the Electoral Act 2022 to strike out paragraphs of the petition.
While accusing the lower court of breaching his right to a fair hearing, Obi insisted that evidence of his witnesses was wrongly dismissed as incompetent.
He told the apex court that the panel unjustly dismissed his allegation that INEC uploaded 18, 088 blurred results on its IReV portal.
More so, Obi, alleged that the lower court ignored his allegation that certified true copies of documents that INEC issued to his legal team, comprised of 8, 123 blurred results that contained blank A4 papers, pictures and images of unknown persons, purporting the same to be the CTC of polling units results of the presidential election.
“The learned justices of the court below erred in law and occasioned a miscarriage of justice when they held and concluded that he failed to establish the allegation of corrupt practices and over-voting,” Obi added.
INEC by-passed its e-transmission regulation
He said it was wrong for the lower court to rely on the legal principle of estoppel to dismiss his contention that INEC bypassed its own regulations when it refused to electronically transmit results of the election from polling units to the IReV.
“The petitioners adduced credible and substantial evidence, both oral and documentary, that proved substantial non-compliance with the Electoral Act 2022 by the Respondents in the conduct of the election.
“The court below overlooked that the Respondents failed to disprove the evidence of substantial non-compliance adduced by the petitioners,” the Appellants stated, adding that the panel wrongfully dismissed the issue of double nomination that was raised against Tinubu’s Vice President, Kashim Shettima. Tinubu was indicted and fined $460,000 in drug-related case
Likewise, Obi insisted that the PEPC overlooked evidence that established that President Tinubu was previously indicted and fined the sum of $460, 000 in the USA over his involvement in a drug related case.
“Imposition of a fine is not limited to a criminal conviction, as the word, in law, includes a civil forfeiture,” Obi further argued in his appeal.
Why we’re at S-Court — LP
The Labour Party, yesterday, in a statement by its National Publicity Secretary, Obiora Ifoh, said its decision to challenge Tinubu’s election at the apex court was based on the conviction that the lower court erred in fact and in law by arriving at the conclusions contained in the judgment.
Ifoh said: “The 51 grounds are considered an error in law as the party’s legal team intends to prove that the APC Presidential Candidate in the election, Bola Tinubu did not win the election and that it was wrong for both INEC and the PEPC to declare him winner of the election when many incontrovertible points were proving otherwise.
“Obi and the Labour Party are seeking from the apex Court, four key points: Allow the Appeal, set aside the
perverse judgment of the PEPC, and grant the reliefs sought in the petition, either in the main or in the alternative.
“On the issue of the 25% requirement for Abuja, Obi and the Labour Party listed the particulars of error by the PEPC as follows:
“That the PEPC failed to appreciate that for the President to assume the office or position of president, he is also under a mandate to secure 25% of the votes cast in the FCT.
“They also accused the PEPC of overlooking the fuller purport of Section 299 which will be more glaring on a calm examination of Section 301 of the constitution.”
Fresh political tensions have surfaced in Rivers State, stirring anxiety among residents, even after the lifting of a six-month emergency rule that had been imposed on the region.
The situation has been compounded by the mysterious absence of the suspended Governor Siminalayi Fubara, leaving many to wonder about his whereabouts. Click to continue reading.
This uncertainty ignited a wave of anticipation early Thursday morning, as thousands of devoted supporters gathered outside the gates of the Government House in Port Harcourt as early as 6 a.m., eagerly awaiting the governor’s return. They hoped to witness his reappearance and celebrate his reinstatement, only to be met with disappointment as the hours passed without any sign of him.
As midday approached, the energy of the crowd began to wane. The governor, despite being reinstated following the official conclusion of the emergency rule by President Bola Tinubu, had not made any appearance. One by one, many supporters reluctantly left the scene, their enthusiasm dampened by his continued absence.
Among the loyal crowd were several sacked local government chairmen who remained steadfast in their support for Fubara, including the likes of Chijoke Ihunwo from Obio/Akpor and Ezebunwo Itche-Mati from Port Harcourt City. In stark contrast, the event was noticeably devoid of allies of the former Governor Nyesom Wike, the current Minister of the Federal Capital Territory, as well as the newly elected local government chairmen who are perceived to be aligned with him.
The governor’s absence followed a momentous declaration from President Bola Tinubu the previous Wednesday, which formally lifted the emergency rule in Rivers State. This rule had not only suspended Fubara but also his deputy, Ngozi Nma Odu, alongside members of the House of Assembly, with Rear Admiral Ibok-Ete Ibas (retd.) appointed as the sole administrator during that turbulent period.
Meanwhile, the legislative arm of the state resumed its activities on Thursday at the conference hall of the legislative quarters, with Speaker Martins Amaewhule taking charge of the proceedings.
The lawmakers wasted no time, launching an inquiry into the state’s finances during Ibas’s administration, while also urging Governor Fubara to submit a list of nominees for commissioners for their scrutiny. The atmosphere in Rivers State remains charged, with political uncertainty lingering in the air.
Politics
REVEALED: Atiku, Peter Obi, 3 Other Nigerians Named In Top 15 Richest African Politicians (Full List)
The common stereotype is that African politics is a fast track to riches. Corruption scandals across the continent reinforce that perception. But there’s another side to the story: a select group of African leaders who amassed vast fortunes well before stepping into government.
They weren’t climbing into office to get rich—they were already among the wealthiest individuals in their nations, with fortunes ranging from tens of millions to billions of dollars.
These men and women made their money in industries as varied as mining, telecoms, banking, brewing, cotton, oil services, and logistics. Forbes and Forbes Afrique have tracked some of their net worths, offering rare glimpses into their fortunes before politics.
1) Cyril Ramaphosa (South Africa)
Before becoming South Africa’s president in 2018, Ramaphosa built Shanduka Group into one of the country’s leading Black-owned investment companies with stakes in mining, fast food, and banking. Forbes once pegged his fortune at about $450 million, long before he returned to politics as deputy president and then president.
Public Office: President (2018– ); Deputy President (2014–2018).
2) Patrice Talon (Benin)
Nicknamed “King of Cotton,” Talon made his money in cotton ginning and port logistics. By 2015, Forbes estimated his wealth at about $400 million, a year before he won Benin’s presidency.
Public Office: President (2016– ).
3) Aziz Akhannouch (Morocco)
Akhannouch built Akwa Group, a major petroleum and chemicals conglomerate. Forbes continues to list him as a billionaire, with wealth hovering around $1.5–1.6 billion. His fortune was firmly established before he became Morocco’s prime minister in 2021.
Public Office: Prime Minister (2021– ); former Minister of Agriculture.
4) Moulay Hafid Elalamy (Morocco)
Elalamy founded Saham Group and turned it into a major insurance player across Africa and the Middle East. In 2018, he sold Saham Finances to Sanlam for more than $1 billion, long before stepping away from Morocco’s industry and trade ministry.
Public Office: Minister of Industry & Trade (2013–2021).
5) Atiku Abubakar (Nigeria)
Atiku co-founded INTELS Nigeria, a dominant oil-and-gas logistics company in 1982, and established the American University of Nigeria. In 2021, he sold his stake in INTELS for over $100 million. He is the founder of Priam Group which is an umbrella conglomerate for a number of businesses spanning several sectors of the economy including manufacturing, media, banking, logistics and food processing.
Public Office: Vice President (1999–2007).
6) Peter Obi (Nigeria)
Obi built Next International, an import and distribution business, and later chaired Fidelity Bank. His financial security was well in place before serving as Anambra’s governor and becoming a presidential candidate.
Public Office: Governor of Anambra State (2006–2014).
7) Seyi Makinde (Nigeria)
Makinde founded Makon Group, an oil-services firm, and famously disclosed assets worth ₦48.15 billion when he became governor, underscoring that he didn’t need political office for wealth.
Public Office: Governor of Oyo State (2019– ).
8) Tabitha Karanja (Kenya)
Karanja co-founded Keroche Breweries in the 1990s, growing it into the country’s largest independent brewery and forcing multinational competitors to reckon with a homegrown challenger. In 2022, voters in Nakuru County sent her to Parliament’s upper house, making her one of the few prominent entrepreneurs to cross into high-level politics.
Public Office: Senator, Nakuru County (2022– ).
9) Sam Matekane (Lesotho)
Sam Matekane was Lesotho’s most successful businessman before his foray into politics. He is the founder of Matekane Group of Companies which has tentacles in construction, mining and aviation. Matekane entered politics and, in 2022, rose to become the country’s prime minister.
Public Office: Prime Minister (2022– ).
10) Rostam Aziz (Tanzania)
Aziz accumulated wealth through telecom investments and industrial services. Once listed by Forbes as a billionaire, he was already a major business figure when he entered parliament.
Public Office: Member of Parliament (1994–2011).
11) Peter Mbah (Nigeria)
Peter Mbah, the founder of Pinnacle Oil & Gas, established significant downstream petroleum facilities in Lekki years before turning to politics.
Public Office: Governor of Enugu State (2023– ).
12) Uhuru Kenyatta (Kenya)
The Kenyatta family empire spans banking, dairy, and real estate. Uhuru himself appeared on Forbes’ Africa rich list with a $500 million net worth before becoming Kenya’s president.
Public Office: President (2013–2022).
13) Tokyo Sexwale (South Africa)
A former anti-apartheid activist and Robben Island prisoner, Sexwale founded Mvelaphanda Group and became a key mining financier before serving as housing minister.
Public Office: Minister of Human Settlements (2009–2013).
14) Hakainde Hichilema (Zambia)
Hichilema was a successful rancher and corporate dealmaker before politics. He led Grant Thornton Zambia and amassed one of the country’s largest cattle herds before becoming president in 2021.
Public Office: President (2021– ).
15) Ronald Karauri (Kenya)
Karauri, a former Kenya Airways pilot, co-founded SportPesa, a major sports betting firm. His wealth was secured before he entered parliament as Kasarani’s MP in 2022.
Public Office: Member of Parliament (2022– ).
Former President Goodluck Jonathan is looking more likely to run against President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 elections.
Recent events in the political scene are fueling this possibility.
On Thursday, Peter Obi, a former presidential candidate from the Labour Party, had an important and private meeting with Jonathan in Abuja. Click link to continue reading.
The Peoples Democratic Party and the Labour Party have ruled out dropping names and party structures for the 2027 general election, but would
Politics
“What I Would Do With Wike If I Were Fubara”: Ex-APC Governorship Candidate Reacts to Rivers Crisis
Fubara would not be able to make any decision
A former governorship candidate for the All Progressives Congress (APC), Tonye Cole, has responded to the ongoing political crisis in Rivers State.
Cole explained what he anticipates will happen to the suspended governor, Sim Fubara, when he eventually returns to office.
Additionally, the APC chieftain shared what actions he would take regarding the FCT minister, Nyesom Wike, if he were in Fubara’s shoe. …click link for full details
Legit reports that Fubara, who was suspended by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu for six months is expected to return to office on Thursday, September 18, 2025.
Cole said Fubara would not be able to make any decision when his suspension is eventually lifted without interference.
The APC chieftain said Fubara would find himself in a difficult situation in running the affairs of the state. He stated this while speaking on Channels Television’s
The Morning Brief on Wednesday, September 17, 2025. The co-founder cried out, stating that Fubara would not be able to exercise his full authority as the governor of the oil-rich state.
“We cannot be in a situation where we have an elected governor of a state, like Rivers State, which is a very critical state not just for the people of Rivers but Nigeria as a whole, and what you then see is that you have an elected governor that has zero powers.
“I don’t think it portends well at all. It’s extremely difficult, and I think the governor will be finding himself in a very difficult situation” Cole advised Fubara to reach out to the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) minister, Nyesom Wike, and agree on how he can make certain decisions in the state.
“What I would do if I were him would be to now sit down with the honourable minister and appeal for some leeway to allow certain decisions to be taken by me as governor, and others to be taken by him, whatever peace agreement they had.”
As we approach the 2027 presidential elections, the possibility of former President Goodluck Jonathan positioning himself as a formidable challenger against the current President, Bola Tinubu, is gaining traction.
This shift in the political landscape is bolstered by recent events that suggest a strategic realignment among key political figures. Click link to continue reading.
Notably, Peter Obi, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, recently held a crucial and discreet meeting with Jonathan in Abuja. This gathering has raised eyebrows and sparked speculation about potential collaborations or endorsement scenarios leading up to the elections.
Should Obi choose to withdraw in favor of Jonathan, two significant outcomes could arise. First, Jonathan’s experience and recognition as a former president could galvanize support from a broader spectrum of voters, potentially positioning him as a strong contender against Tinubu. Second, such a move would indicate a willingness among prominent political figures to unify against a common opponent, which could reshape the dynamics of the race and influence the strategies of other candidates.
As we analyze these developments, the political implications surrounding the 2027 election continue to evolve, inviting further scrutiny and conversation about the future of Nigeria’s political landscape.
Recently, the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, engaged in a significant and discreet meeting with Jonathan in the heart of Abuja.
“Today in Abuja, I had the privilege of meeting my esteemed elder brother, a distinguished statesman, and leader, former President Goodluck Jonathan @GEJonathan. Our closed-door discussion was fruitful, centering on the pressing issues facing our beloved nation,” he stated.
An insider, speaking on the condition of anonymity, revealed that influential political figures across the country are keenly interested in seeing Jonathan run for the presidency in 2027, urging Obi to consider stepping aside for the former president.
As Obi contemplates addressing his passionate Obidient Movement, various proposals are being considered, should both factions find common ground.
The source added that Jonathan might choose to align himself with a prominent candidate from the northern region, potentially selecting either Rabiu Kwankwaso or Bala Mohammed as his running mate.
In the meantime, the PDP Governors’ Forum, under the leadership of Governor Bala Mohammed of Bauchi State, has formally endorsed Shekarau as the consensus national chairman in anticipation of the party’s convention slated for November 15 and 16 in Ibadan, Oyo State.
This strategic move has garnered support not only from Jonathan but also from Peter Obi, who, during their recent discussions in Abuja, expressed solidarity with the PDP’s goals.
A close associate of both leaders noted that they swapped insights regarding the political landscape as it shapes up for 2027, commending Mohammed’s efforts to stabilize the PDP and steer it away from the betrayals that have marred its reputation in recent years.
For Obi to accept such condition, according another source, there must be three important appointment that will come directly from him if all plans work in 2027.
Politics
Fresh Crisis Looms In Lagos As Sanwo-Olu, Obasa In Supremacy Battle… Speaker Gives Governor Standing Order
Warnings are emerging that a new political showdown may soon erupt in Lagos State, pitting Governor Sanwo-Olu against Assembly Speaker Mudashiru Obasa. The unresolved tensions between these two influential figures suggest that the battle for supremacy is far from over.
Reports indicate that the Speaker, emboldened by a perceived directive from the executive, is contemplating a bold move to confront the governor. The air is thick with anticipation as these political rivals seem poised to clash once more, each determined to assert their dominance in the state’s power dynamics.
Another Executive-Legislative showdown is brewing in Lagos State as the House of Assembly under the speakership of Mudashiru Obasa today asked the State Governor, Mr Babajide Sanwo-Olu to withdraw appointment letters to appointees who are yet to be “cleared by the Assembly.”
It is a public knowledge that Obasa and Sanwo-Olu are not on good terms. This was believed to be one of the reasons behind Obasa’s recent removal.
However, the speaker managed to secure the backing of the “powers that be,” who facilitated his return as speaker.
At plenary on Tuesday, lawmakers angrily reacted to what they described as “the growing practice of political appointees assuming office without the constitutionally required confirmation of the House.”
Obasa said the development was a direct challenge to legislative authority, warning that it “tests the powers of the House.”
He held the Head of Service responsible for issuing appointment letters without legislative clearance and announced that the official will be summoned to explain.
Obasa further urged the Governor to withdraw all letters issued to appointees yet to be screened.
This follows a motion titled “Need for Government Appointees to appear before the House for Confirmation.”
Hon. Setonji David, Deputy Chief Whip, cited Sections 126 & 198 of the 1999 Constitution, stressing that no public officer should assume office without legislative screening, warning that such actions undermine separation of powers and weaken accountability.
Hon. Desmond Elliot called the development “an insult to the House,” insisting that no appointee or institution should defy Lagos laws.
Hon. Sa’ad Olumoh noted that some agencies operate without legal frameworks, which erodes due process in a state built on the rule of law.
Hon. Stephen Ogundipe reminded all aspiring public officers that confirmation is not a mere formality but a safeguard to ensure competence, integrity, and good character.
Hon. Kehinde Joseph demanded sanctions for repeated constitutional breaches and urged that any funds spent by unconfirmed officers be refunded to government coffers.
Hon. Rasheed Shabi condemned the lack of respect for legislative authority, describing the issuance of appointment letters without confirmation as a direct affront to the Constitution.
The Speaker directed the Clerk of the House, Barr. Olalekan Onafeko, to forward the Assembly’s resolution to the Governor for immediate action.
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