From 2019, June 12 has been celebrated as the authentic ‘Democracy Day,’ instead of May 29, which is the handover date. Former President Muhammadu Buhari also made it a holiday.

Deputy Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU of The Nation Newspaper writes on the significance of the historic June 12, 1993, presidential election won by the Social Democratic Party (SDP) candidate, the late Chief Moshood Abiola.

Former President Muhammadu Buhari drew the curtains on the raging controversy. In 2019, it was over. June 12, and not May 29, became the authentic ‘Democracy Day.’

To the former President, June 12 was more suitable as Democracy Day because of its place in the nation’s history. On that day, 31 years ago, the late Bashorun Moshood Abiola, won the presidential election under the Babangida transition programme. But the historic poll, which was universally adjudged to be free and fair, was criminally annulled by the former military president, Gen. Ibrahim Babangida, thereby setting off a chain of reactions.

Abiola fought a hard battle, which he eventually lost in the detention on July 7, 1998. Although he did not get the crown of a winner, his immortalisation has become a psychological palliative and a soothing balm. Remarkably, Buhari gave Abiola a posthumous award of Grand Commander of the Order of Federal Republic (GCFR), the highest in the land

To many observers, June 12 poll was a watershed. Before and after it, Nigeria has not conducted a more credible exercise. It has remained a reference point for obvious reasons. The election unified Nigeria. Also, it expressed the country’s capacity for democratic resilience and sanctity of the ballot box. It was the symbol of the epic struggle for liberation under neo-colonial military adventurists.

Domestic monitors and foreign observers were unanimous that June 12 was the freest and fairest in the country. It was the climax of the elongated transition programme midwived by Babangida, who tossed millions of Nigerians around with his political experiments that were designed to fail. June 12 underscored the audacity of hope and its illusion under an insincere military ruler whose hand was heavy on the country. Its annulment was the height of betrayal by the gap-tooth General.

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Reflecting on the protracted struggle, activist-lawyer and politician Dr. Tunji Abayomi said the hand of the military was heavy on the crusaders. Recalling that he was detained for five years, he said civil rule was not restored in 1999 on a platter of gold. “People in government now behave as they like, oblivious of the hard battles fought by the pro-democracy elements,” he added.

There were many casualties before the historic exercise. Old politicians of the first and second republics and some new breed were banned by the military after spending so much to campaign as presidential candidates. They were also clamped into detention along with their associates. The victims were Lema Jubril, the late Major Gen. Shehu Yar’Adua, Chief Olabiyi Durojaye, Mallam Adam Ciroma, Chief Layi Balogun, Chief Emanuel Nwayanwun, Alhaji Lateef Jakande, Chief Olu Falae and Dr. Olusola Saraki.

When the old brigade was shoved aside, the new brigade took the central stage. The two candidates-Abiola of the SDP and Alhaji Othman Tofa of the National Republican Convention (NRC)- emerged from rigorous presidential primaries, following the exclusion of prominent chieftains from the exercise through the curious ban.

Abiola’s running mate was Alhaji Babagana Kingibe, former SDP national chairman, while Tofa’s running mate was Sylvester Ugoh, former governor of Central Bank of ill-fated Biafra. But, it was evident that the Abiola/Kingibe ticket was more formidable. It was unstoppable, even by the military.

On poll day, Nigerians were determined to draw the curtains on military rule. They were not swayed by the campaign by the Association for Better Nigeria (ABN), led by the maverick, Senator Arthur Nzeribe. Nigerians trooped out from across the federation to exercise their franchise. There was no disruption. The National Electoral Commission(NEC), led by Prof. Humphrey Nwosu, was up and doing.

The poll became a model. Nigerians, irrespective of their tribe and religion, thronged the polling booths to elect Abiola as president. Up to now, they are still awaiting the results. The effort was in vain. A winner emerged. But, military cruelty aborted the collective dream. Never has a country been ambushed by the soldiers of fortune.

Lagos lawyer Gani Fawehinmi (SAN), while speaking on the importance of the election, said those in the army barracks voted massively for Abiola, wondering why Babangida and his cohorts still went ahead to cancel the results.

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Initially, Nigerians were united in their condemnation of the annulment and setting up of the interim contraption headed by the late Chief Ernest Sonekan. But as the battle raged, many wavered in their spirits. They failed to uphold the truth.

Decades after the annulment, the bewildered nation-state is yet to recover from the colossal damage. June 12 was a pan-Nigeria movement. The goal was to halt military brutality and enthrone a legitimate leader with a national outlook. The exercise ended the partisan divisions cruelly exploited by self-serving leaders. The victor, Abiola, became a prisoner. He never returned from detention alive. Before he passed on in mystetious circumstances, his wife, Kudirat, was murdered for agitating for de-annullment of the election.

Had the political listened to the voice of readon and wisdom, perhaps, the situation would have been different. The late Chief Obafemi Awolowo had predicted doom when many Nigerians embraced the Babangida transition programme. Having worked with the military, he understood the mindset of the soldiers. Military rulers, including Gen. Yakubu Gowon, under whom he served as minister, was reluctant to vacate power until he was toppled by Gen. Muritala Mohammed in 1975. Awo also knew that Babangida, the ‘Evil Genius’ from Minna, was full of prevarication.

When Awo declined to participate in the discussion on the country’s political future by the Political Bureau headed by Dr Sam Cookey, he shunned the invitation. The sage declared that Nigeria had embarked on a fruitless search for democracy, adding that, when they imagined that the new order had arrived, they would be terribly disappointed.

Having studied IBB’s chameleon’s styles, Awo urged his followers to exercise caution and learn to deal with IBB with a long spoon. A few months later, the great politician passed on.

Between and 1986 and 1993, Nigeria became another IBB laboratory, where various kinds of experiments were carried out. On three occasions, the transition programme was postponed by the military president without any convincing explanation. Babangida cajoled unsuspecting politicians into forming political parties, which, according to the guidelines, should have national spread. When the electoral commission came up with their result sheets, they, in IBB’s reckoning, failed to measure up. The hammer fell on the 23 political associations. When politicians were banned, unbanned, detained, released and re-detained, the late Fawehinmi cried out that the entire transition programme was a fraud.

However, after the initial successful primaries, the exercise was cancelled and participants were banned. Suddenly, the parties were in want of candidates. It was at that stage that Abiola and Tofa appeared on the scene.

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Abiola was a veteran presidential aspirant, even at that stage. Ten years earlier, he had wanted to contest on the platform of the banned National Party of Nigeria (NPN). His albatross was the Transport Minister, the late Dr. Umaru Dikko, who organised the party secretariat be shut its door to deny him nomination form. When Abiola emerged as the SDP candidate, he was perceived as a stranger. Kingibe, who later became his running mate, following pressures by the 14 SDP state chairmen, described him as someone who was on the sideline, only to come and reap where he did not sow.

Abiola actually consulted with his bosom friend, Babangida, who gave his blessing. He also apologised to the Awoists over his alleged sins against Chief Awolowo. The Awoist group, led by Chief Adekunle Ajasin, resolved to support him. Many people recalled his philanthropic activities. His message of hope, particularly the abolition of poverty, was captivating. In his native Ogun State, former Governor Olusegun Osoba prepared the ground for him, urging the stakeholders to see him as the son of the soil.

The presidential debate was interesting. Abiola dwarfed Tofa because of his grasps of the situation; the economy, politics, security and other challenges. Kingibe, a vocal diplomat, also beat Ugoh during the televised debate.

On poll day, Nigerians were united by the festival of political change. Nature was kind and the weather was benevolent. It was during the raining season, but there was no downpour. On long queues, voterd were orderly as they cast their votes for candidates of their choice. As news filtered that MKO had won, the prices of goods and services came down.

Abiola polled 8,341,399, which represented 58.36 per cent, defeating his rival, Tofa. Even, in Kano, where Tofa hails from, the SDP won. The results were being released in droves and Abiola was leading. Suddently, the umpire was stuck. It could not proceed with the residue of the assignment. The country was enveloped by tension.

Abiola, Aare Ona Kankanfo of Yorubaland, cried foul. A man of valour, he fought the military without the gun. He resisted frantic attempts to compromise him. At Epetedo, Lagos, he declared himself President, based on the unofficial results. He took a great risk. The consequence was fatal. Abiola declared: “On that day (August 27, 1993), the people of Nigeria, through their democratic expressions of June 12, 1993, expected me to assume the reins of government. I fully intend to keep that date with history.”

However, on August 27, 1993, Babangida set up an interim contraption headed by Shonekan, after he stepped aside ingloriously. While progressive elements, including Pa Ajasin, Pa Ayo Fasanmi, Falae, Senators Iyocha Ayu, Bol Tinubu, Nwite, Bola Ige, Anthony Enahoro, Arthur Nwankwo, Ndubusi Kanu, Frank Kokori, Ayo Adebanjo, Olaniwun Ajayi, Balarabe Musa, Amos Akingba, Alani Akinrinade, and Beko ransom-Kuti decried the annulment, others like Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo said, although it was lamentable, the setting up of the ING was understandable.

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Sonekan was like an interloper; a nominal head of an unwanted caretaker government. He was not in charge of anything. The ING collapsed when Justice Dolapo Akinsanya ruled that it was illegal. Three months after the setting up of ING, Gen. Sani Abacha sacked the ING and set up a full military regime, after cajoling the political class to stabilise his regime. In their naivety, the so-called experienced politicians agreed to collaborate with Abacha and accepted ministerial positions in his government. Later on, many of them were unceremoniously removed. They carry the label of inordinate participation up to now.

As the clamour for the de-annulment of June 12 intensified, the military was on the prowl. Pro-democracy crusaders, including Tinubu, Prof. Wole Soyinka, Enahoro, Akinrinade, Commodore Dan Suleiman, Chief Raph Obiorah, Amos Akingba and Wale Oshun-fled abroad. From there, they continued to fire salvos at the Abacha government.

Arsonists visited the residences of Akinrinade amd Akingba in Ikeja to wreck havoc. Abacha asked Marshall Ndubusi Kanu to leave the crowd of civilian fighter, pick up his gun and face him as a soldier. He was harrassed. His business was destroyed.

Before he fled abroad, Senator Bola Tinubu’s life was on the line. He and his colleague, Senatir Abu Ibrahim, were detained. When Abu was released, he refused to leave the police station, demanding for Tinubu’s release.

Tinubu was later declared wanted by the military. His international passport had been impounded. He had to go underground. On October 9, 1993, his house on Victoria Island, Lagos, was petrol-bombed. He also received threats on the telephone. He had to disguise as a ‘mallam’ on a motorbike to escape from the country through the ‘NADECO route’ to Benin Republic.

As the June 12 battle dragged on, some crusaders became weary. Religion and ethnicity were invoked. The struggle adorned an ethnic colouration. Gradually, the rank of June 12 travellers was divided. Some crusaders, including Lateef Jakande, Abubakar Rimi and Ebenezer Babatope, were trapped in the Abacha Government. It was suicidal to resign.

Abiola was sent into ‘prison’ without trial. He never returned alive. His business empire was crippled. His supporters, wives and concubines dispersed. Although the brave High Court Judge, Akinsanya, declared Shonekan’s ING illegal, the verdict fell on deaf ears.

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Later, political jobbers put the June 12 poll behind them as they jostled for seats in the 1994 National Conference set up by Abacha. The Ibadan politician, the late Chief Lamidi Adedibu, came up with inexplicable bail conditions for Abiola, who turned it down, vowing not to let Nigerians down.

June 12 continued to torment the military after Abiola’s death. Although Abacha passed on before Abiola, the symbol of the struggle was not released by Abacha’s successor, Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar. The circumstances surrounding Abiola’s death has remained in the realm of conjecture.

The June 12 struggle may, in part, be described as a lost battle. However, it gave birth to the clamour for restructuring by Afenifere. It also led to a power shift to the Southwest. However, the beneficiaries of the struggle in 1999 were the same class of politicians, military confederates and cronies, whose activities culminated into the June 12 debacle.

For two decades, there was an argument over whether May 29 or June 12 should be Democracy Day. On the two extremes of the debate are Obasanjo and Tinubu. To the former president, May 29 should be Democracy Day.

His reason was that on May 29, 1999, democracy was restored to Nigeria, following a successful transition programme midwived by Gen. Abdulsalami Abubakar. The process threw up Obasanjo as a civilian president.

Obasanjo may not understand the significance of June 12. He was not one of the pro-June 12 crusaders. In fact, he said Abiola was not the messiah Nigeria was waiting for. He also supported the setting up of the ING.

In the opinion of Tinubu, many Nigerians are emotionally attached to June 12 than May 29. Since 1999, pro-democracy forces have always celebrated democracy on June 12, owing to its symbolism and what Abiola stood for in his lifetime. Also, progressive administrations in the Southwest have always declared a public holiday to mark June 12 since 1999.

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Reference has always been made to June 12 as a model exercise that the nation should strive to re-enact in the national interest. But, there have been gaps between expectation and reality.

The heroes of June 12 are too numerous. Apart from the symbol, Abiola, others are Kudirat Abiola, Ajasin, Adesanya, Adebanjo, Olaniwun Ajayi, Tinubu, Durojaye, Ganiyu Dawodu, Fawehinmi, Wole Soyinka, Lam Adesina, Alfred Rewane, Kofo Akerele-Bucknor, Cornelius Adebayo, Ndubusi Kanu, Abu Ibrahim, Polycarp Nwite, Senator Dantoro, Ibrahim Tahir, Ayo Opadokun, Falae, Arthur Nwankwo, Obiorah, Enahoro, Olawale Oshun, Ige, Dan Suleiman, Akinrinade, Olisa Agbakoba, Frank Kokori, Ndubusi Kanu, Prof. Nwosu, Olawale Oshun, Akingba, Justice Akinsanya, Ademola Adeniji-Adele, Tokunbo Afikuyomi, Femi Lanlehin, Wahab Dosunmu, Femi Falana, Balarabe Musa, Tunji Abayomi, Tunji Adebiyi, Archbishop Abiodun Adetiloye, Bishop Bolanle Gbonigi, Joe Igbokwe, and Okunrinboye.

-The Nation